and hegemonic struggles In short, any hegemonic universality must incorporate at least two specific content: the content owners 'authentic' and 'distortion' ... "(Slavoj Žižek)
A new thought for a new man : In the construction of history and the future, the activity of analysis and interpretation of the forces and political events is an activity that is not reduced to pure instinct to know: unraveling the lines command a social and political project has a axiological and prospective high. It comes through in an ethic of action and militant thought, sifted to overcome for our fighting tools ever. We covers the cycles of the charm and disappointment, to glimpse the columns where they can ensure the continuity of what we want, we embrace and exercise as a model of shared country more democratic, just and human development. In modern terms: namely, to know about us and our needs, is power.
have to do this exercise complex thinking active comrades. Self-criticism. In historicizing itself as a political movement, because a thought set [1] is at odds with our brand MNR. The fixed so self-absorbed, is a tributary of the autistic policy for decades turned its back on the demands and voices of the people. That autism blond, tall and blue eyes is contrary to all popular tradition, to the plural and diverse. In this task we can not exempt us rethink if we pride ourselves on good faith, because it is the invariable task of national emancipation and Latin America that once made self-reflexively puts us inside a perennial disagreement: between a liberal conservative side , and a popular collective lump that grows and diversifies the pair of right and necessary demands of new subjects and social groups, on the other side. Inside, what you do or not do with the state as an instance of social articulation [2] we draw or tie [3]. But comrades, beyond our levels of analysis and planning, we are moving in a sea of \u200b\u200bobjective realities and actual structures. It is a fact that, under this tie-evergreen to be converted into victory, "political projects are born, reproduce and die. Of these are the achievements and expectations on the horizon. Anticipate, take them up again, rearrange, reproduce, denying in part better to face contradictions is the task of ours.
Accessions successive groups and sectors to the national government, which were made explicit to specific events where the state management merged with historical struggles, they deserve respect for their right demarcation of their identification in the context of plurality, not to lose sight of a totalization forced their true richness of color. Participation will be displayed, shouted, were stationed, were exercised, both in its street presence and in the more or less media coverage. Recorded, for belonging and origin, a radical heterogeneity that does not allow a simplistic analysis when composing a complete definition of the national political project. In this regard, although the government itself can be characterized as an event of epoch for the content that it has addressed bringing forward complaints and rearrangements previously unthinkable in the global context of the single thought, the above motions were presented as accessions are not going amalgamated into a uniquely political representation. Scattered positions of particular groups, such as Miracle-led Board, a dispute within the CTA as reflected, perhaps by way of example, these multivocal. Not everything is so conspicuous at the time of the calculation of future locations in the transcendence from beyond the current administration. These contingencies, rather than a defect in the exercise of leadership "manual" make visible a set unfathomable particular political processes, that are not easily comparable with each other in terms of pure essential identity. Not seem to be organized as a political force in social or historical fees or categories assumed. To these traditional conceptualizations maybe if they can answer, with variations depending on the situations in partisan political groups expressed from inside the government's power and his paintings of bureaucracy, for his appearance and his career, which makes them predictable, unified around an ideal, subjected to forms and contents specific to the political organization "framed." Affinity
in diversity as a prerequisite for intelligence: Now, the ways of expression of support for the various government sectors and many transit groups can not be described as a unanimous listed in the column in the physical sense uniquely-column, but rather played in his career approach and to take up a particular image, a radial pattern (where separate, distinct, leading from the outer limits of political and institutional system to the center axis.) This axis in the symbolic computer was, perhaps, death as a founding event of the Kirchner-Kirchner or if you take the course on the complexity of political elements in this essay is exposed.
So
raised, appears to be no a priori socio-political subject accurately defined as "kirchenirsmo" identifiable once and so closed. Establish their identity in part requires, first put a fence assimilate a constant evolution, given the characteristics of gradual and partial set of facts expressed in government management as a process of forming and accumulating power gobernablidad popular: facts peaked management as specific political milestones, transformed into images sufficiently effective for particular groups and sectors respond to the call. Much more obvious is the absence of conditions Current chance in this state of representation and development of the practices of party or social organizations, to channel all the new subjectivities of this new ideological content. The constituent data is Néstor Carlos Kirchner, overdetermined as absolute after the "contingency? of his death. [4] Kirchner, the hollow shaft formed in loss, to use the metaphor of the bicycle wheel, where they will register as radial columns, multiple and distinct, gays, lesbians, trans, the abortionists, women as women Mothers whose children receive universal allowance, workers reached by the joint, Videla, the haters and lovers of life that is the same thing, small entrepreneurs, who regained the use incorporated in the super-profitable large firms, exporters of raw materials, industrial, social microentrepreneurs, the cooperative, indigenous people, journalists and media producers, the American conviction of conviction and anti-American. The series may continue, as each government action may be associated with actors' own historical disputes promptly controversially involved in the struggle for a fairer reality: the self of each, which is not necessarily shared by all. This process of debate [5], as they say here, might have suggested that Kirchner sought to "enemies" to stack them brutally in a series to make impracticable its future governance. An anonymous reader superficial, heir to the ideological apparatuses comfortable nineties, it was able to appreciate how this type of driving inexperience de Kirchner, as corporations installed the jargon of the tensions and belligerent government built its own collapse. This "enemy everywhere," allegedly made by the actions of a government more guided by his boss characteropathies a rational plan was vague and amorphous a category created, nurtured and reproduced by the discourses of the media monopoly that was presented as a guarantee that "the Kirchner does not want anybody." The enemy lined equivalently the Church more conservative, agricultural employers, the international financial power, the traditional party structures and the Federalist caudillo, but also "one people" as expressed in the ranting of a Mirta Legrand activist, among other bad weed. This guarantees that the K "were going", based on the density opulent row of enemies, was provisional and fallacious whenever potent contingencies, many meanings, as the bicentennial of the Fatherland or death itself postponed, summoned to answer the call to the components of the other series: the enemies of the enemies of Nestor. In this context, the emergence of millions of Argentines traveling public space, were surprising only to those who may have been smitten by the perverse illusion emanating from the plant certain corporations.
Youth: a new subject?: Such scenes of "surprise", the massive appearance of "youth" encrypted the debates on the burglary of the customary which is a filled square. However, the appeal to the age criterion is not the group in a particular identity in terms isolable political subject, despite its undoubted existence as an objective social transformation, especially sen contrast to the states of drowsiness and immobility consumer shameful decades ago. The truth is that not all of Argentina's youth, flourishing under the policy as sand, is similar to the set of disparate actors who can be glimpsed in the collective of the "Kirchner", understood as a movement logo, like equivalence Radially calls. Nor is it a given that there is a homogeneous group of young people, comparable with each other in a single stream Kirchner, into the space age more or less politicized. In the case youth, which includes extraction equivalence, belongings, colors, movements, associations, is Kirchner, his gesture of pure and provocative incitement of reality, as a promoter of a critique of a society that will not ever be fixed or crystallized. In this gesture of calling the youth may change addresses, it is change itself and identifies itself as such, although this is another empty signifier, we must agree, if we recognize ourselves as militants sincere. [6]
Start embody an analytical mind that puts us face to face with our own as part of a control project, open the most realistic theoretical tools to illuminate and practices, ie weapons for militants. For the relationship of the various components must overcome their own event agreement of the dialectic of the imagination and acquiring new practices developed for conformation, resulting in continuing the political project. Partial changes made since government actions, which listed a series of demands of particular sectors are highly vulnerable to regression conservative and creeping to the long-awaited restoration of the dominant sectors, if not to acquire a state organization that overcomes horizontalice a new relationship, a continent of all, respectful of everyone. The opposite is the fragmentation or pure unity about charisma, another imaginary trap if any. The Baldwin is not the objective finding that there was a town out there, the manner of a Platonic existence awaiting execution. El Pueblo is not discovered: it is in practice. The national project to stamp serialization Kirchner is forming corporate enemies of the popular as opposed to the actors forming seriation historically neglected by corporate power: The Baldwin is the search operation of the common shaft, even in its infancy, yet insufficient. Nestor is that hole, this shaft is installed as engine failure. Nestor as a motor, being here and now, eternal, from the contingency de su muerte-, resignificando su vida como una pura entrega, movilizando a una ética nueva que inmoraliza la quietud de los cómodos, que condena a los fríos de plexo.
¿Esto es una fuerza política ya? No.: ¿Es una organización política el Kirchnerismo? No. Retomar como recorte conceptual a la juventud, puede servir como hilo conductor para debatir los cursos posibles del todo, de modo más conciente y crítico al interior de eso que debe y puede llegar a ser un proyecto político. La misma “juventud” que se supone –erróneamente- fenómeno homogéneo de adhesión al gobierno, no conforma una expresión política en el sentido tradicional, is pending as of the date "representable" unequivocally, much less "organized" organically, by partisan actors in electoral contests, or positional, where performance to be dealt alternative projects. Moving beyond the postulated equivalence means its identity as a unit, is found only in the context of accession to the national government and is not reversible in an orderly manner to other control points in the institutional political system. Namely: Is there a position-produced, made, youth-organized with respect to unionized workers' struggles? Same question can be extended to partial struggles popular ecosystem in permanent conflict: abortion, drugs, neosexualidades, social and cooperative economy and all possible variants. If all elements are equivalent in the call to the axis is K, this ratio is no concurrence of other reference points of the political system, such as particular struggles. Still, it acknowledged that it is not clear whether this condition is constitutively inorganic expected as normal adolescent rebellion to any attempt to system, or express a defect of conformation social policy that guy "youth." What is clear however is the need to recognize and diagnose the different interests working desencontradas as forces in the tissue of the same youth mobilized. It is crucial to set the key to this debate on the form and content that characterize the bids channel organizations generational political action, as conditions may extend to understanding the overall framework of the national project and its elements. In return for this new history, behind the organizing of youth groups trying to channel the emerging subjectivity, the inability to do so from normal practices and methods quite other than the structures of earlier times. And social movements or political parties or partisan groups, when focusing on a more or less coordinated empowerment with specific disputes power have been able to advance beyond its historical logic. This ballast does not exempt the youth forums and plainly states in the nominating processes words and actions that serve as a mark of origin: "driving", "table control", "training", "secretary general", "operation policy "," vertical "," organic. " Strike the acquisition of new policy procedures relevant to the requirements of instituting this time in terms of politics, this time potential. Needless to overcome inertia that can degrade it again in a vain representation-by-lift as outdated. The rails of the method according to these times can not succumb to the practice of pure domination of this spontaneous cool are the new advent to fight militants.
The new data: a youth youth policy does not at all: Millions of young inexperienced militant posted on their web profiles, with the commemoration of March 24, an image that said "never again" the universal longing equated to a particular act of Kirchner's paintings down the ESMA. This subjective emergence occurred outside of any group or disciplinary hierarchy, reproached the flow times are times of deconstruction of hierarchies and conservative structures. The reference to Heraclitus seems inevitable. Kirchner times are transformers installed per se [7], not only of the social foundations shaking the street to take by assault, but also the forms of representation of the people's so diverse, which began to be understood from project possible, in a possible world. This applies equally to young people that claim to be inclusive and growing organization. It requires them to think and horizontal pluralism today. History no progress has its immanent way, this corresponds to the requirements for the subjects to work on themselves, their practices and others. O the times, logical and chronological time, overcome their organizations.
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[1] "The psychoanalytic theory hypothesizes interpersonal relationships that are intended to drive-privileged process requirements and secondarily from the reality and the superego. In the case of institutions, the triple allegiance (which pushes the complexity) comes from the aspirations of groups and individuals in the organization, traditions and reality intra and extra. The way in which a specific organization (and particularly its leader) to accommodate these three sources of incitement (we) holds the key to the generation and continuity of projects. Each of these masters have their own representatives in the very heart of the institution, for which the leader must find ways to multiple transactions. The primary responsibility for responding to this triple requirement are those responsible for major decisions (centrally leader). These requirements (those from community aspirations, traditions and reality) itself together within heterogeneous fragments, so it is aware of the complexity of potential conflicts. So, can develop, for example, clashes between representatives of the internal aspirations with representatives of the traditions (ie, between representatives of different needs) or between the representatives of the same love each other (for example, conflicts between groups they attach different meanings to the same reality). Therefore, there coexists a variety of factors (among which are set up alliances, rivalries, ignorance, etc.) Address what policy makers should respond with an increasingly sophisticated logic. The risk of fragmentation, then are also numerous. "
(Towards a metapsychology of cooperation: An Essay on the social instinct and Labor. Mr. Sebastian T. Plut, in: http://www.psiconet.com/foros/trabajo/cooperacion.htm ) (The bold is mine)
[2] "Despite its growing virtual dismantling disrepute and has been subjected to the onslaught of neo-conservative, the state remains the highest instance of social articulation. Extreme utopias, such as anarchism, communism or ultra-liberalism, have never been seen historically concretized in the form of fully denationalise societies. "(Oscar Oszlak in: Reforma y Democracia, CLAD, No. 9, Oct.1997: Caracas:
STATE AND SOCIETY: NEW RULES OF THE GAME?)
[3] "In these terms, a particularized description of the current situation be summarized in these traits: 1 - Maintenance of a chronic organic crisis is not resolved as a new hegemony by the dominant capitalist fraction or as a revolutionary crisis dominated classes. 2 - Prevalence of compromise in which "middle forces", which consequently do not represent long-term interests of any of the polar class of "structural knot" occupy the political scene main alternatives, even when its constitution is residual and varied content inexpressive of new contradictions generated by the development of monopoly capitalism dependent on Argentina.
With these achievements would have felt a definition of the situation today in the political and social as "push": "Each group has enough power to veto the projects developed by others, but none managed to gather forces necessary to run the country as he would like. " (Portantiero, Carlos, "dominant classes and political crisis in Argentina today)
[4] In this case, the writing of capital K in the name of the former is due more to a quasi-metaphysical weight or if you prefer empty logical reference that theological language rules pertaining to proper nouns. It is intended to denote additional conviction basically a win and a loss correlated to that death sobredeterminante: 1) the first, for us, moving to a state of pure symbolic performative presence, which can be found by way of example in the creative recovery the image of "Nestornauta", 2) the second, for them, the desperate disappointment for the ruling conservatives who experience surprised at this popular eschatology, that his desire for death of Nestor Carlos Kirchner as a balm for his alleged headaches, has come to be rather overwhelming in its constancy.
[5] Polemos in Greek: daimon of the war.
[6] "Why do empty signifiers are important for policy?" Laclau (1996)
[7] That is, the Kirchner achieved something that was quite unthinkable that coexist within vices of a traditional political inertia that has not lost its meaning and justification, along with the development of institutional reinvention conditions for compliance with new processes of subjectification and political intervention. Dialogic interaction between these political conceptions-including the blogosphere, as well as the youth association, social networks and the world of rock, and other expressions of different but equally enthusiastic, distinguishes us from many countries that have not yet found a point meeting to facilitate the transition to a new era. It defies our expectations. "
(Fernando Peirano, Director of the Free Faculty of Rosario. In: http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/universidad/10-159281-2010-12-24 . html)
